Islamic World Studies Association
Quarterly Journal of Political Research in Islamic World
2322-2980
8
2
2018
8
1
Sociological Explanation and Prioritization of the Grounds and Foundations for the joining of Armed Taliban to the ISIS terrorist group from the perspective of Iranian Scholars
1
21
FA
mostafa
Moradi
fariba
shayegan
manijeh
navidnia
The aim of present study was to identify and prioritize the context and backgrounds of joining militants to the ISIS terrorist group. The statistical population of the study was experts and professors of the humanities specialties like Sociology, Political Sciences, Middle East Studies and Terrorism, which were selected through a purposive sampling consisting of 30 Iranian scholars. Theoretically, Arendt, Taeffel, Macs theories were used. Also, T-test and Friedman tests were used to analyze the data. The results of the research showed that four main areas were identified as the most important milestones in joining militants to ISIS: class divisions with an average of 15.20, economic inequality (14.77), alienation and Islam phobia in the west (13.95), and the identity crisis (13.68). The second group, in terms of importance (from the perspective of respondents) includes discrimination (job, income, employment, service, skills and training of immigrants) (12.15), disappointment in improving living conditions (12.13), frustration and failure in achieving the goals of the future (11.83), the rejection of Western hegemony (11.57) and socioeconomic inequality (10.90), relative deprivation (9.97), social exclusion and neglect (7.67), social alienation (7.35), marginalization (7.03), poverty (6.40) and unemployment (5.68).
Islamic World Studies Association
Quarterly Journal of Political Research in Islamic World
2322-2980
8
2
2018
8
1
The Role Theory and Iran and Turkey's competion in the Middle East during the rule of
the Justice and Development Party
23
48
FA
seyyed amir
niakoee
university of guilan
danyal
rezapoor
university of guilan
saman
fazeli
university of allame tabatabaie
Iran and Turkey have had good relations since the Atatürk era and Turkey, despite the existence of competition and cross-sectoral tensions. Even with the Islamic Revolution and the coming of a religious government, relations between Iran and the secular state of Turkey were maintained at a moderate level. It was expected that Islamic relations with Turkey would be better suited to the rise of Islamists in Turkey in the early 2000s. But in recent years, especially after the Islamic awakening, there were tensions between Iran and Turkey, which was unprecedented in its kind. The purpose of the pesent study is to answerthe question of "what is the main reason for the increase of rivalries and tensions between Iran and Turkey over the last 15 years?" In response, by using the role theory, it is found that the two countries of Iran and Turkey, based on their identity, historical, ideological and geographic sources, have defined their role in foreign policy in the Middle East in a way that it causes the competition between the two countries. Perception of both countries in the region is that they should play roles such as "protecting the oppressed", "mediator", "model", and the like, which in the best case will cause competition and, at worst case, cause confrontation between the two sides. In this regard, the three roles of "leadership", "defending Islam" and "pattern" have created more tensions.
Islamic World Studies Association
Quarterly Journal of Political Research in Islamic World
2322-2980
8
2
2018
8
1
The testability of the theory of Rantier State about the Islamic revolutions in the World
(Case study: Iran and Egypt)
49
80
FA
harati@basu.ac.ir
The structural look at explaining the occurrence of revolutions within the framework of revolutionary theory is one of the most important approaches of researchers to the field of revolutionary studies. With the advent of the Islamic Revolution in Iran, these scholars revised their vision towards their theories to Iran's revolution. One of the most prominent of these scholars in this approach is Theda Skocpol, who introduced the theory of Rantier government and Shiite Islam about the Islamic Revolution of Iran. Therefore, the purpose of the article is to "compare the Islamic Revolution of Iran (1979) and the Egyptian revolution (2011)" based on the Skocpol theory model. This paper seeks to answer the question of whether Skocpol theory can explain the Iranian and Egyptian revolution simultaneously. The results suggest that based on Skocpol theory the Egyptian revolution in some area is consistent with the Iranian revolution and in some respects there are significant differences, so based on these differences, the Egyptian revolution could not pass the Islamic Revolutionary circuit and become a social revolution.
Islamic World Studies Association
Quarterly Journal of Political Research in Islamic World
2322-2980
8
2
2018
8
1
Study of global geopolitical risks in the policies and economic management of the Islamic Republic of Iran
81
93
FA
a
a
a
b
b
b
In this paper, we examine the global geopolitical shocks and dangers (the United States of America) that play important role in economic policies and economic management in the Islamic Republic of Iran. We estimated the variance of structural models for the country. The results indicate that political geopolitical shocks explain the unparalleled contribution of the variety of production to the system of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The average share of outbound movements due to global geopolitical shocks is between 13 % and 22%. However, the blunt responses to geopolitical shocks vary widely in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The preliminary results show that unexpected increase in geopolitical risks reduces actual production, consumption and investment. In particular, the peak consumption and investment rates are 0.8% and 2.2%, respectively. The real exchange rate is down by more than two percent (the improvement in trade balance is about 0.4%). Generally, the average output is reduced by about one percent. The result of the increased risk of geopolitics has led to a real decline in the exchange rate, and suggests that emerging economies are investing after a geopolitical risk. The trade balance improves when the real exchange rate falls, but recovery is not large enough to determine the impact on consumption and investment
Islamic World Studies Association
Quarterly Journal of Political Research in Islamic World
2322-2980
8
2
2018
8
1
Ratio of Transformations in the West Asia Region to the National Security of the Islamic Republic of Iran
95
120
FA
suroush
Amiri
Faculty member in police University
Background and Objectives: Popular upheavals and regional developments in the Islamic world in 2011, which began with the uprising of the Tunisian people and then spread to other countries in the Arab world, including Egypt, Bahrain and Yemen, are considered significant changes in the peripheral environment of Iran which affects the national security of the various countries of the region, including Iran.
Methodology: This paper, by using descriptive-analytical method, attempts to explore the opportunities and threats of developments in the Arab world for the national security of Iran and, in this regard, seeks to answer the question of what are the opportunities, challenges and threats to the national security of Islamic Republic of Iran?
Findings: Developments in the West Asia region due to their specific characteristics have always been important components of national security of Iran. Despite different patterns and processes, popular uprisings have been undergone in two directions at two levels: major changes in the level of West Asia and North Africa. The first is the transformation of political structures and systems within countries and the creation of new patterns of legitimacy at the level of political systems, and, the second is the transformation in the level of structure and balance of power among regional actors. These two levels of security components within countries and political and security arrangements will transform the situation of the region for Iran and create new variables and perspectives in the security environment of Iran. Based on this, Iran's national security has seen opportunities (for example, designing and strengthening new patterns of political legitimacy, changing political systems in the public order, as well as creating new political and security arrangements at the regional level) and threats such as highlighting conflicting policies between regional and global rivals.
Islamic World Studies Association
Quarterly Journal of Political Research in Islamic World
2322-2980
8
2
2018
8
1
The components of soft power of the Islamic Republic of Iran and its capacities in the international arena from experts' viewpoint
121
142
FA
Components such as soft power are considered as inevitable part of the process of protection in all countries within the international political realm that creates the necessary infrastructure to provide soft power. The present research was conducted to identify the capacity of soft power of the Islamic Republic of Iran in employing created opportunities resulting from it to play impressive role in the international relations. Reviewing authentic resources, studying the past research and employing the experts' comments based on descriptive and survey methods were all the steps taken in conducting this research. In order to analyze data, the descriptive – inferential statistics along through SPSS software were used. The statistical population consisted of 40 scholars and professors of Tehran universities on the field. The indexes relative to soft power were determined to be sixteen items according to their level of effectiveness on the national strength of the Islamic Republic of Iran. In the cultural dimension, Iran's cultural situation had the highest level of effectiveness regarding its ancient civilization; in the economic dimension, Iran's relative predominance in producing and distributing a specific goods; and in the political dimension, the unity and national trust have the highest level of impaction. Regarding the obtained results and opportunities, we can point to the expansion of national profits in the international level, national power increase, representation of a positive picture of the Islamic Revolution to other nations, establishment of agreement, enhancing the security level through public participation in different stages, the increase of geopolitic influence on the region and on the world, reproduction of the resistance concept, specifically among the regional nations, and playing the determining role within regional and international interactions. Finally, it was concluded that the opportunities to create soft power have contributed to promote the security level of the Islamic Republic of Iran.
Islamic World Studies Association
Quarterly Journal of Political Research in Islamic World
2322-2980
8
2
2018
8
1
Analysis of spill-over effects of military expenditures in dealing with crime and transnational forces of terrorism in MENA countries
143
167
FA
mahnaz
saeedikiya
nazar
dahmardeh
marzie
esfandiari
Transnational terrorism is a form of terrorism which influences more than one country through various possible connections. Few empirical studies conducted on transnational terrorism sought to create a relationship between the sources of transnational terrorism and other identified variables. Therefore, due to the increase of the criminal actions and terrorist attacks in MENA member countries during recent years, this paper aimed at investigating the spatial effects of the two mentioned categories on the military expenditures of the selected countries during the period from 2003 to 2016 using spatial panel regression model. The data used in this paper have been extracted from the World Bank, the United Nations and the World Center for Terrorism. The results of the study confirmed the existence of the spatial spillovers so that the occurrence of terrorism in a country has a positive and significant impact on both terrorism and the military expenditures of the neighboring country. Also, the distinction between direct and indirect effects in this study suggested that the indirect effects of terrorism phenomenon were greater than its direct effects. In addition, based on the analysis of the estimation outputs, the findings of the study indicated that criminal actions had no significant effect on the military expenditures which expressed the fact that there were no spatial spillovers between criminal actions and military expenditures as well.
Islamic World Studies Association
Quarterly Journal of Political Research in Islamic World
2322-2980
8
2
2018
8
1
A comparative study of the "theory of civilization" from the viewpoint of Fukotsawa and Malik Ben Nabi
169
189
FA
Hamid
Mahmoudian
Alireza
Biabannavard
With the encounter of various civilizations with the apparent layers of Western civilization and its observation, the scholars of nations have always sought to explain the causes of its stunning and sometimes the decadent of its civilization. The approaches of the indigenous thinkers of different nations to the West can be taken in three categories: adoption of Western civilization, withdrawal of Western civilization and finding a way to fit native conditions. This paper seeks to compare the ideas of Fukotsawa and Malik Ibn Nabi with the two Japanese and Muslim thinkers who are both born in the post-Enlightenment West with their views on their civilization and their relationship with the West. The two seek to find a native answer to solve their civilization problems and belong to the third group. Fukotsawa believes that Japanese civilization must have wisdom in front of Western civilization, and out of prejudice and in accordance with the principles of Japanese civilization offers a native way. Malik Ibn Nabi also, considering the essence of Islam and its effect on the civilization of the Muslim world, believes that religious civilization should be defended against imported and secular civilization. The research question is based on the ideas of Fukotsawa and Malik Ibn Nabi, with regard to native conditions, how we can find a way out of the current conditions of the Third World countries and pave the way for these countries to embark on a new civilization process without losing national and religious identities? The research hypothesis is that Fukotsawa (the pioneer of Japan's civilization advancement) and Malik Ibn Nabi, the theorist of Islamic civilization, both have reform thinking and seek to find a suitable way based on the native conditions that do not intend to merely adopt or reject.
Islamic World Studies Association
Quarterly Journal of Political Research in Islamic World
2322-2980
8
2
2018
8
1
Islamic Dialectical Analysis of Caliphate in Afghanistan
191
214
FA
mohamadali
mirali
In the history of Islamism in Afghanistan, the political philosophical discourse of the "caliphate" has been one of the most important and most effective form of political Islam in this country. The present article seeks to demonstrate how the political Islam of the caliphate in Afghanistan has been integrated in the framework of the theory of discourse analysis and what identity it has achieved. The findings show that the political Islam of the caliphate in Afghanistan has always been under the skin of politics and power in Afghanistan, but it has become a major discourse in the political and social life of the country during the period between 1881 and 1919 and since 1996. During these periods, in general, the instruction of "caliphate" has been centered in the focal point of the discourse, and, at the same time, formulated the concepts such as Islamic Emirate, Amir al-Momenin, Sharia, tradition, jihad, Pashtunism, security and the world-wide community within itself. The political Islam of the caliphate has competed at this stage in revival with other political discourses of the political Islam and outside the dialogues, and at some levels has succeeded in conquering power in Afghanistan as the hegemonic discourse. This discourse lost its credibility in both periods due to its linkage and mixing with ethnic elements and extremism, and was marginalized and was hegemonic against the hegemonic liberal-democratic nationalist discourse.