2024-03-29T13:01:36+03:30
http://priw.ir/browse.php?mag_id=31&slc_lang=fa&sid=1
31-804
2024-03-29
10.1002
Quarterly Journal of Political Research in Islamic World
پژوهشهاي سياسي جهان اسلام
2322-2980
2222
7
2019
9
1
Investigating Iran’s OPEC Oil Policy Based on Game Theory
Soltanali
Shahriari
sa_shahriari@yahoo.com
Tohid
Firoozan SarNaghi
t.firoozan@khu.ac.ir
Nima
Farazmand
nimafarazmandchamran@gmail.com
In the current political-economic conditions and the numerous violations by OPEC members of the group’s resolutions due to political and economic rivalries, especially the situation in the Middle East, the increase in political tensions between Iran and Saudi Arabia, along with the demand for OPEC oil and the position of OPEC in the global market Oil, internal competition among OPEC members has increased dramatically, and OPEC members’ oil policy has been more focused on internal competition. In such a situation, the competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia has become two-fold in the context of the political-economic conflict. In order to investigate the exact and scientific issues of the economic and political conflicts among OPEC members, OPEC’s internal competition has been considered within the framework of game theory. In this regard, the internal competition of OPEC members has been modelled as a leader-follower game, and by specifying the OPEC member’s profits function, the game’s Nash equilibrium point is calculated. Finally, based on the calculated balance point, optimum production and “follower behaviour” strategy are determined as the optimal strategy of Iran. Also, for the next period, the optimal production quantities are determined with the assumption of stable conditions. In this research, Iran’s short-term optimal policies in OPEC have been modelled based on the Leader-follower model. Perhaps, by introducing political indicators into the future profit equation, and more accurately, the response function of countries with respect to short-term economic and political conditions, each country will have more precise results to examine each member’s long-term optimal policy in OPEC
Oil policy
OPEC
Game theory
Nash equilibrium
Political-economic conflict
Optimal production amount
2019
4
01
1
28
http://priw.ir/article-1-804-en.pdf
31-858
2024-03-29
10.1002
Quarterly Journal of Political Research in Islamic World
پژوهشهاي سياسي جهان اسلام
2322-2980
2222
7
2019
9
1
Studying the Future of Salafi-Takfiri Currents in the Post ISIS Period
Mohammad
Mirabdoli
mohammad_mirabdoli@yahoo.com
reza
khorasanie
reza.khorasanie@gmail.com
The Takfiri Salafists, as one of the earliest intellectual milestones in Islamic history, have always faced many chaos and problems in the Islamic world and have survived with ups and downs so far, but today to weaken the power of Salafist-Takfiri groups, especially ISIS in Iraq and Syria, have suddenly taken the field of conflict amidst Arab revolutions in the Middle East and gradually became a global challenge. Investigating their future in order to prevent repetition of recent events is of particular importance. Therefore, the present study seeks to utilize scenario writing as one of the important methods of future research knowledge. The life of Takfiri groups during its post-revolutionary period is analyzed in different scenarios - desirable, possible and probable futures. In this regard, the following components are: desirable future of SalafiTakfiri groups and their opponents; possible futures: state-building of Takfiris in Muslim countries, integration of Salafi-Takfiri groups together: the acceptance of democracy as an alternative to the Caliphate by the Takfiris, a probable future that results from a set of scenarios. The findings suggest that, despite the military defeat of the Takfiri groups, they will not be completely destroyed, but will await a return to the conflict like a fire under the ashes
Futurology
Screenwriting
Islamic World
Salafi-Takfiri
Post-Imam
2019
4
01
29
57
http://priw.ir/article-1-858-en.pdf
31-1002
2024-03-29
10.1002
Quarterly Journal of Political Research in Islamic World
پژوهشهاي سياسي جهان اسلام
2322-2980
2222
7
2019
9
1
A Comparative Study of the Theory of Government in the Thought of Isa Qasim and Abdul-Wahhab Hussein; Based on Skinner’s Hermeneutic Intentional Method
jalal
dorakhshah
alireza
beigi
The political statements of Isa Ahmad Qasim and Abdul Wahhab Hussein - two thinkers and political activists known in Bahrain as “Sheikh Isa Qasim” and “Master Abdul Wahab Hussein” respectively - have had a significant impact on contemporary popular movements in Bahrain. These two characters are, in turn, both reformist and revolutionary discourses. Their attitude to the popular movements in Bahrain led to different approaches in achieving their goals and, ultimately, to the split in the popular body of the February 14, 2011 movement. The reason for this discrepancy is also due to the difference in their viewpoints towards the desirable government that derives from their thinking. This study, by means of comparative comparisons and library data collection, seeks to compare government theory from the perspective of the most important common concepts of their political viewpoints towards the Skinner’s hermeneutical method. The findings indicate that recent developments in Bahrain and the severity of the repression of the people and movements by the regime have had a significant impact on changing Ayatollah Qassim’s political tone and attitude and have led him to present a moderate conception of his political thought that ultimately the constitutional monarchy is considered the most favorable for Bahrain. While the repressions of the Bahraini regime not only tempered Abdul Wahhab Hussein’s action, it also led him to present a revolutionary model of his political attitude, as before, with the aim of overthrowing the system with the aim of forming a democratic Islamic State Ruler. In fact, Professor Abdul Wahhab Hussein opposed Sheikh Isa Qassim’s idea of forming a constitutional kingdom in Bahrain, calling the ideal Islamic government democratic. These two different literatures in the February 14th movement eventually split the people and divided them into reformers and advocates for revolution. This led to the prolongation of the February 14 movement and its suppression by the Bahraini regime.
Isa Qasim
Abdul Wahhab Hussein
Bahrain
Al Khalifa
Skinner
Political Thought.
2019
4
01
59
85
http://priw.ir/article-1-1002-en.pdf
31-901
2024-03-29
10.1002
Quarterly Journal of Political Research in Islamic World
پژوهشهاي سياسي جهان اسلام
2322-2980
2222
7
2019
9
1
Iran’s Role and Position in the Persian Gulf Security System
mohammadmehdi
mazaheri
Due to geographical proximity, the security procedures in the Persian Gulf have substantially influenced the interests and strategic position of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Persian Gulf security arrangements. On the other hand, the US presence in the region, with the strategic links it has established with the GCC, has made these relations more complicated. In this regard, given the importance of the research, the purpose of this article is to investigate the nature of Iran’s role in influencing the security arrangements in the Persian Gulf. In this regard, the central question of this article is: what role does the Islamic Republic of Iran play in the Gulf security arrangements? The research hypothesis is then based on this question. The Islamic Republic of Iran, as an anti-hegemonic role, has had a significant impact on US security relations with the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council since the outbreak of the Islamic Revolution in Iran. The research method in this paper is descriptive-analytical and the data collection method is library and internet resources.
Islamic Republic of Iran
Security
Persian Gulf
USA
Cybernetics.
2019
4
01
87
109
http://priw.ir/article-1-901-en.pdf
31-902
2024-03-29
10.1002
Quarterly Journal of Political Research in Islamic World
پژوهشهاي سياسي جهان اسلام
2322-2980
2222
7
2019
9
1
Explaining Internal, Regional, and International Trilateral Strategies in the Syrian Conflict
mohammad
mahdimirzaei
mahdiazadmirzaei@gmail.com
suroush
amiri
suroush.jnu@gmail.com
The occurrence of popular and Arab uprisings in late 2010 and the influence of these movements came from Deraa in Syria. Given that the Syrian crisis is a multifaceted, complex, and diverse political and security crisis with contradictory and conflicting goals, the goal of writing this article explains the exact issue of the actors involved in this conflict through three levels of national, regional, and international strategies. Each domestic actor and foreign, regional and international advocate claim that their goals are that the preservation or fall of the state of Bashar al-Assad is at the heart of their strategic policies. The present article aims to investigate and explain the strategies of internal, regional and international triangles in the Syrian conflict by descriptiveanalytical method. In the Syrian crisis, there are two different attitudes. Some observers consider the crisis to be in the midst of popular movements in the Middle East and North Africa. In this regard, Syria, like other Arab and African countries, faces political, social and economic problems. From another perspective, the Syrian crisis is due to regional and international geopolitical equations and changes. Conclusion: Therefore, internal issues and changes in the role of regional powers and international equilibrium are the result of this historic challenge whose regional purpose is not to weaken the axis of resistance to Iran’s leadership and the role of Russia in Syria. In the internal dimension of this crisis, the continuation of popular uprisings should be considered as a platform for the rivalries and strategic policies of regional and trans-national powers, as well as internal-historical challenges.
Syrian conflict
Resistance Front
Strategic Competitions. Internal factors.
2019
4
01
111
140
http://priw.ir/article-1-902-en.pdf
31-846
2024-03-29
10.1002
Quarterly Journal of Political Research in Islamic World
پژوهشهاي سياسي جهان اسلام
2322-2980
2222
7
2019
9
1
Explaining UN Action Against Genocide in Myanmar
nozar
shafiee
n.shafiee@ase.ui.ac.ir
roya
salimi
One of the greatest human calamities that occurred in the first two decades of the 21st century was in Rakhine Myanmar and towards Rohingya Muslims. Ethnic cleansing, genocide, crimes against humanity, and any other title that is somehow a manifestation of human rights abuses were committed against Rohingya Muslims. The main question of this article is: what was the UN response to these catastrophes? The hypothesis of the paper, which was examined through a descriptive-analytical approach, is that the United Nations was satisfied only with regard to humanitarian catastrophes in Myanmar only by verbal comment, the issuance of statements, and ultimately, the issuance of letters of recommendation. However, it was expected that this organization would launch humanitarian intervention in Myanmar under the principle of international responsibility for protection. The UN’s behavioral shift comes from the pressure of the great powers. The findings of the article show that the UN’s treatment of human rights violations in different countries is subject to double standards. The most optimistic view is that the great powers are preventing the effective and independent functioning of the United Nations in dealing with human rights violations.
Genocide
Crimes Against Humanity
Ethnic Cleansing
Massacre
Responsibility to protect.
2019
4
01
141
164
http://priw.ir/article-1-846-en.pdf
31-888
2024-03-29
10.1002
Quarterly Journal of Political Research in Islamic World
پژوهشهاي سياسي جهان اسلام
2322-2980
2222
7
2019
9
1
The influence of Iran and Turkey relations on the prospect of integration in the Middle East
Sahand
Shahbazi
shahbazisahand@yahoo.com
Hossein
Masoudnia
h.masoudnia@ase.ui.ac.ir
Mahnaz
Goodarzi
m_goodarzi@khuisf.ac.ir
Creating aconvergence Middle East in comparison to the European ::::::union::::::after the Second World War seems possible.Europe's successful experience of convergence was due to the cooperation between two allied countries of Germany and France. The prerequisite fact of replicating Europe's success in the Middle East is to identify two leading states for this region. Iran and Turkey are two non-Arab neighbor countries of the region that are among the most populous countries in the region. After the rise of Justice and Development Party in Turkey, the relations between these two countries have changed and developed. These two countries began to work closely together and they initiate cooperation to improve convergence. Thereforethe present study investigated the effect of relations between Iran and Turkey on the progress of integration in Middle East in 2018. This is a qualitative-analytical research and the data was collected through documentary-library information. The neofunctionalism theory of Ernest B. Hass was used inIntegration field. The challenges and opportunities of Iran and Turkey relations were examined and classified in different criteria. The obtained results revealed that integration can be established in the Middle East following the expansion of Iran-Turkey relations in the areas of economic, security, cultural-religious and political by developing an integration perspective and with the slogan "The power of the region not the power in the region", formation of transnational ::::::union:::::: by these two countries and expansion of it to other countries in the areas based on the Hass’s Spill-over Theory.
Integration
Middle East
Iran
Turkey
Transnational ::::::union::::::
2019
4
01
165
189
http://priw.ir/article-1-888-en.pdf
31-517
2024-03-29
10.1002
Quarterly Journal of Political Research in Islamic World
پژوهشهاي سياسي جهان اسلام
2322-2980
2222
7
2019
9
1
Iran and the Muslim Brotherhood (Impact of the 2017 Qatar Crisis)
hasan
ahmadian
The crisis caused by the siege of Qatar in 2017 brought about changes in the pattern of Qatar's interaction with countries besieging the siege, including Iran. The two main reasons for the siege of Qatar were the continuation of its normal relations with Iran on the one hand and Doha's support for the Muslim Brotherhood regional movement on the other. The purpose of this article is to explain the impact of the Qatar crisis on the relations between the Muslim Brotherhood and Iran. The four Qatar-sanctioning countries, in addition to their 13 conditions for normalizing relations with Doha, called for an end to Qatar's support for the Brotherhood and the expulsion of its leaders from Doha. In return, Qatar not only did not stop supporting the Brotherhood, but also expanded its resistance to the pressures of the besieging coalition by strengthening its ties with Turkey and expanding its Brotherhood propaganda activities. The ambiguous question of the article is what effect the Qatar crisis has on the regional position of the Muslim Brotherhood in the balance of power in the region, as well as in its relationship with Iran. The hypothetical answer of the article, which is considered to be an innovation, is that the independence-seeking review and the transition from accompanying the regional policy of the so-called Arab moderation, has re-emerged the Brotherhood's regional potential; This once again shows the possibility of the emergence of the third axis of the region (Brotherhood axis) along with the previous two axes (resistance and anti-resistance) and while balancing the regional alignments, frees the potential for cooperation of the Brotherhood with Iran. The period of the article is the period after the Qatar crisis with references to the developments after 2011. Is included.
The Qatar crisis
the siege of Qatar
Saudi foreign policy
the Muslim Brotherhood
the regional movement of the Brotherhood
coalition building.
2019
4
01
191
217
http://priw.ir/article-1-517-en.pdf
31-681
2024-03-29
10.1002
Quarterly Journal of Political Research in Islamic World
پژوهشهاي سياسي جهان اسلام
2322-2980
2222
7
2019
9
1
Saudi-Iranian geopolitical rivalries and the necessity of transition from ideological geopolitics to geo-economics in the Persian Gulf region
Hadi
Veicy
hadiveicy@pnu.ac.ir
The world is divided into various geopolitical regions, one of the most prominent of which is the Persian Gulf and south-western Asia. In recent decades, this geopolitical and strategic region has always been one of the tension regions in the world and has been intensifying in recent years. Although geopolitical events in the Southwest region of Asia have influenced by the global geopolitical structure, its security arrangements and geopolitical structure have depended on largely to Saudi Arabia's and the Islamic Republic's behavior as two superior regional powers and two rival powers. Therefore, the research problem is how the geopolitical relationship between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia and within context what geopolitical discourse can be realized the cooperation and convergence between them and generally in the southwest of Asia. This research is done using descriptive-analytical method and using library data. The results of the research show that the relations between these two regional powers are based on ideological geopolitical indices that have led to militarism, rivalry over domains of influence, ideological rivalries, the division of geopolitical space, increased tensions, and proxy wars in the region. However, if geo-economics strategy and discourse in the region are adopted, regional co-operation and integration and also regional development and sustainable security can be provided.
Ideological Geopolitics
Geo-economics
Regional Powers
Southwest Asia
Persian Gulf Region
Saudi Arabia-Iran relations.
2019
4
01
219
240
http://priw.ir/article-1-681-en.pdf
31-929
2024-03-29
10.1002
Quarterly Journal of Political Research in Islamic World
پژوهشهاي سياسي جهان اسلام
2322-2980
2222
7
2019
9
1
Obstacles to the Consolidation of Democracy in Turkey (2002 –present) "The vague political nature, the organized structure of the party, and the authoritarian leadership"
hasan
sadeghian
hasansadeqiyankumar@gmail.com
Abbasali
Rahber
ab.rahbar@yahoo.com
Abstract
The process of democratization of Turkey over more than a century has been accompanied by various barriers, such as military intervention, inefficient and passive opposition, undemocratic performance and sponsor of the religious-political tariqa, ethnic and religious rifts, authoritarian government leaders, political parties’ poor and sometimes biased performance, contradictory international policies [political pressures, ideological considerations of the European :::union::: and the United States], the spirit of the time [the power of extreme political systems and the supporter of dictatorship in the international system], the proliferation effects of the region, each of which contributes to delaying in the "consolidation of democracy". The result of the present study is that although the barriers still remain influential in the era of the AKP [2002 -present], their impact has declined substantially; thus, the new multilayer barrier , under the title "The ambiguous and multi-faceted political nature-a structured party structure-the authoritarian leadership of the leadership". This new barrier has created its special container / templates under the titles of "Delegative Democracy" and "Semi-authority", which have their own barriers to consolidating democracy. In this research, it has been attempted to analyze the barriers to the consolidation of democracy during the mentioned period, based on the descriptive-analytical methodology and library and documentary sources.
Democratization
party
consolidation
political nature
authoritarian
Turkey.
2019
4
01
241
269
http://priw.ir/article-1-929-en.pdf