Quarterly Journal of Political
Research in Islamic World

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With the beginning of the 33-day war against Lebanon, global and regional
actors adopted different orientations and stances towards it according to
their interests. The efforts of western governments and the U.S. as the
super powers of the world, in support of Isreal and against Hizbullah,
are obvious manifestations of the issues of this war. The present paper
is aimed at explaining and analyzing the stances and policies of the
U.S. government and western governments based on Rosenau foreign
policy theory. The main question is “how was the foreign policy and
stances of the western governments and the U.S. in the 33-day war of the
Lebanon?” In the present paper, the different aspects of these stances are
studied through documentary method. The results show that the interests
of these countries are very overlapping and they are trying to undermine
the Resistance Front and to prevent the deployment of Iran`s geopolitical
sphere. Therefore, European and the United States governments
strengthen, equip and support the Zionist regime thoroughly. United
States managed the war politically and European governments went
along with the U.S. according to their interests and goals.

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Political changes and revolutionary occurrences, which began in some of the Middle East and North Africa countries, spilled over to Syria. These astonishing political changes, has encouraged the political and international relations analysts to study various factors and dimensions involved in these changes. Among these developments, the Syrian crisis has prolonged and led to civil war. From the very beginning of these developments in this country, the foot traces of the various regional and international governments, with different goals and intentions, were seen. The main question of the present paper is to study stances and policies of the governments of Iran and Turkey towards Syria crisis. Attempts have been made in the present paper to study different aspects of these stances through documentary method within the framework of Rosena's foreign policy and international policy making theory. The findings of the paper indicate that the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran, on the basis of its particular ideological, regional and international orientations, has formulated its foreign policy, which entails supporting the government of Assad and opposing his opponents. In contrast, the Turky’s government has adjusted its policy towards Syria in accordance with the U.S. and the West, supporting the rebels and calling on Assad to resign.   

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Westerns, who thought that they were the unrivaled rulers in the world after the collapse of the Soviet :::::union:::::, suddenly faced with Islamic revolution in Iran and the power of Shia, and from the beginning of the victory of the Islamic Revolution in Iran, they tried to prevent the increasing power of Shia in Iran and all over the world in different ways. The purpose of this study is reviewing the causes of panic in the Zionist at the west from Shia their goals from hostility and propaganda against the Shiites. In this research we have tried to answer this question: "What are the causes of panic in the Zionism from shia and what is their purpose of enmity with shia?" To answer these questions at first, we studied about the roots of Zionism and its relationship with Christian circles in the west. Also we studied about the causes of panic of Zionists from shia and especially Iran. And at the end, we analyzed objectives and actions of Zionism and propaganda against Shiism. The method used in this study is descriptive – analytic and library and Internet resources were used in data collection. The result of this study shows that as the Christians and Jews share the same goals, such as preparing grounds for the arrival of Christ and the necessity of creation the Zionist regime in Palestine and readiness for war with Muslims, despite their long-standing feud, they came to a strategic alliance, and after the occurrence of Islamic revolution in Iran, they tightened their alliance more and due to their intellectual and political contradiction with Shia,  concerned about jeopardizing their interests and their existence in the world,  and with the aim of preventing the empowerment and influence of Shiism in the region and the world, as well as to justify their presence in the West Asian region and their wars and actions in this area, they have launched the enmity and opposition actions in the region, especially with Islamic Republic of Iran, such as promoting shiaphobia, supporting the Takfiri groups, and establishing civil wars in Shiite countries to achieve their goals.  
 

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After the victory of the Islamic Revolution, the leaders of the Revolution established institutions for the maintenance, consolidation and continuation of the Islamic Revolution due to the lack of their confidence in the structures of the former system. Their aim was to reject rival ideologies, to propagate the ideology of the Islamic Revolution in a sustainable manner and to fight against internal and external counter-revolutionary forces. One of these institutions is Basij Mostazafan (Mobilization), which was formed following the decree of Imam Khomeini on November 26, 1979. Given that the institutions are the output of the coordination between structures and agents, the institution of Basij is the convergence of structured contexts and social actors. Therefore, the main question of the present research is what are the structural backgrounds and effective factors influencing the formation of the mobilization institution? By using structural theory and document analysis method, the authors conclude that the Iranian mobilization (Basij) was formed as a result of co-operation in the fields of security, politics, culture, society and economy as well as activists such as the the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), revolutionary subgroups and characters such as Imam Khomeini, Javad Mansouri, Amir Majd, and other indirect actions of the leaders and the institutions of the Revolution.

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Foreign policy is a set of policies, measures, methods, and choices of positions that a government takes in dealing with foreign affairs within the general goals of the political system. In other words, foreign policy reflects the goals and policies of a government in international relations and In relation to other states, international societies and organizations are movements, aliens, and world events. The land of Palestine has a special place among the Muslim people of Iran in terms of religious characteristics. The history of Iran-Israel relations has seen many ups and downs, and since the exercise of Israeli sovereignty over the Palestinian territories, relations between the two countries have varied in varying degrees from cooperation to conflict. In the Pahlavi era, despite the opposition of public opinion and the Arab countries of the region, sometimes these relations existed secretly and openly and lasted for years. These relations begin with the "de facto" recognition of Israel by the then Iranian government, in which two political forces acted: 1. The group opposing Iran-Israel relations and its recognition, which includes popular opposition, scholars and clerics, and a group of members. It became independent within the government. 2. The Pahlavi government, which, with the help and influence of world powers and a powerful Jewish lobby, was keen to establish and expand relations with Israel. There is no doubt that one of the main slogans of Imam Khomeini's movement was the defense of the oppressed, the issue of Palestine and the protection of the Palestinians and enmity with the Zionist regime and its aggression, was at the forefront of this goal, It was based on the Islamic beliefs of the people. Therefore, supporting the Palestinian people is only defending an Islamic land, but also preventing the spread of Israeli threats and protecting Iran's national interests. If the intifada wins and the rights of the Palestinian people are realized, it can be said that the grounds for expansionism and threats of the Israeli government Reduced and the possibility of restoring regional order with the participation of the Islamic State is provided. The main question used in this research is what is the impact of the Palestinian issue on the political relations between Iran and Israel? The method of this research is descriptive-analytical and the use of library tools.

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Background and Aim: After the Islamic Revolution, Iran-Saudi Arabia relations have changed from strategic allies to strategic rivals. Political scientists have often considered the difficult aspects of this competition. But after presenting the concept of soft power in academic forums, it is essential that analysts seek to identify Saudi soft power threats against Iran. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to analyze the consequences of Saudi soft power for Iran.
Necessity and Question: This study negatively analyzes the threats of Saudi soft power and positively prepares the ground for the implementation of the strategy against the consequences. So the question is, what are the consequences of Saudi Arabia's soft power for the Islamic Republic of Iran?
Hypothesis and Method: Using a qualitative method and in the form of a documentary analysis method, the authors hypothesize that the sources of Saudi soft power in the three economic, political and cultural spheres are far from the criteria of soft power and are more rigid.
Achievements: Economic resources of Saudi soft power (oil as a tool and source) (1) Use of oil tools to create internal pressure and reduce external influence of the Islamic Republic of Iran (2) Provide the necessary resources to strengthen the Salafi and Takfiri current in the region In the political sphere, the sources of Al Saud's soft power (assuming the role of Umm al-Qura for itself and maintaining the monarchy), (1) seeks to weaken Iran's allies in the region, and (2) divides Shiites and Sunnis within the country. In the area of ​​Saudi cultural resources (Wahhabism and cultural diplomacy) (1) it causes media attacks against Iran in the region and (2) promotes Wahhabism.
Findings and Innovation: The research conducted on the subject of soft power of Saudi Arabia was not mainly related to the Islamic Republic of Iran and did not include the component of economic resources. Therefore, a theoretical assessment of the consequences of Saudi soft power against Iran in this study indicates That they are hard in nature rather than soft in nature. Therefore, they do not have the necessary efficiency.